OPINION:
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Shiite-backed Iraqi militias launched a drone strike targeting U.S. forces in northeastern Jordan last weekend, which killed 3 U.S. soldiers and wounded scores.
The attack was not an isolated incident. Since the outbreak of hostilities between Israel and Hamas on Oct. 7, Shiite militias have launched at least 160 drone and missile strikes against U.S. forces in Iraq and Syria. The U.S. needs to send a strong signal to Iranian-backed militias who act with impunity. Pinprick attacks are neither proportionate nor effective. The Shiite militias must pay a price. Their leaders are fair game after killing U.S. troops. Targeted killings are an effective option.
Targeted killings are different from assassinations or extrajudicial killings under international law. They represent a preemptive measure to strike an adversary when there is no law enforcement option. Drone and missile attacks by Shiite militias warrant a response. The United States should not advertise its involvement in targeted killings. It’s best to undertake a targeted killing without bragging about it.
Soft power is the first recourse. The Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control has designated Iran-aligned militias in Iraq, such as Kata’ib Hizballah — the Hezbollah Brigades — as a foreign terrorist organization. Businesses that launder money for the brigades are also designated.
The Popular Mobilization Forces, or PMF, which includes dozens of Iraqi Shiite militias, are deeply embedded in Iraqi society and security structures. They arose during Iraq’s sectarian civil war, beginning in 2006. They killed hundreds of American soldiers and civilians using explosively formed penetrator devices provided by Iran. The PMF is also responsible for systematic and widespread war crimes against Iraq’s Sunni population.
When the Islamic State invaded Iraq in June 2014, Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the most revered Shiite cleric in Iraq, issued a fatwa summoning the faithful to defend holy shrines. The PMF played a leading role in the fight to drive ISIS out of Iraq. Along the way, they evolved from a militia into an army — trained, equipped and financed by Iran.
The PMF endure, though their caliphate has been defeated. The Iraqi Constitution stipulates that militias are illegal, but the government has been unable to demobilize them. Instead, Baghdad has sought to co-opt the PMF by bringing them under the nominal control of the prime minister’s office and appointing their leaders to government positions.
Instead of trying to placate the PMF, the following men should be held accountable for their crimes:
• Qais Hadi Sayed Hasan al-Khazali is an Iraqi politician and militant leader who is secretary-general of the Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq, aka the Khazali Network, an Iraqi Shiite paramilitary organization notorious for targeting Americans. The U.S. government named Mr. Khazali and Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis responsible for attacking the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad. Muhandis was killed by a reaper drone while traveling with Gen. Qasem Soleimani, commander of the Quds Force, a division of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps responsible for extraterritorial and clandestine military operations.
• Akram al-Kaabi is the founder and secretary-general of Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba. Mr. Kaabi is a U.S.-designated terrorist and one of the main operatives of IRGC’s Quds Force. He rejects the American presence in Iraq and considers U.S. forces “legitimate targets.” He warns that “we will pursue and expel them not only from Iraq” but also across the Middle East.
• Falih al-Fayyad was sanctioned by the Treasury Department in January 2021 for “his connection to serious human rights abuse” and his violent repression of Iraqi popular protests. Mr. Al-Fayyad’s Iranian-backed militias fired on Iraqi civilians, attacking civilian protesters with boiling water and tear gas. Sanctions included listing him as a “Specially Designated National” based on the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act.
• Hadi al-Amiri is a leading figure in the Shiite cross-party alliance backing Iraq’s government. He leads the Badr Organization, a core member of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces, an umbrella organization of Iraq’s paramilitary organizations. After Hamas attacked Israel, Mr. Amiri warned: “If they intervene, we will intervene. If the Americans intervened openly in this conflict, we will consider all American targets legitimate.”
• Abu Fadak Al-Mohammedawi is chief of staff of the Popular Mobilization Forces, or Hashd al-Shaabi. Before his appointment, he served as secretary-general of the Iran-backed Iraqi Shiite militia Kata’ib Hezbollah. Mr. Mohammedawi, whose real name is Abd al-Aziz Malluh Mirjirash al-Muhammadawi, entered the Iraqi paramilitary scene in the 1980s, when he served as an aide to Mr. Amiri, the head of the Badr Organization leading intelligence operations. He was a confidant of Soleimani.
Iran denies involvement with the Popular Mobilization Forces, though it funds these groups and develops their capabilities. Iranian officials responsible for overseas operations are fair game. The U.S. should include the Quds Force on its hit list.
Soleimani was assassinated with Muhandis in a targeted killing on Jan. 3, 2020. His successor, Brig. Gen. Esmail Qaani, is in Lebanon, coordinating a military response to events in the Middle East. Mr. Qaani should be held accountable for sponsoring crimes in Iraq, in Syria and across the region.
Mr. Qaani was appointed the same day Soleimani was killed. Martyrs are always ready for leadership.
The Biden administration doesn’t want to be escalatory, nor does it want to push Iran to cross the nuclear weapons threshold. Eliminating the PMF would not only enhance the security of U.S. troops in the region, but would also create space for the development of democratic institutions.
After the attack on America’s base in Jordan, a strong response is needed. The U.S. will be judged by what it does, not what it says.
The Biden administration should be discreet about military action. But it should not refrain from using a big stick.
• David L. Phillips is an adjunct professor at Georgetown University’s Security Studies Program at the School of Foreign Service and a former senior adviser to the State Department.
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