Maintaining democracy in South Korea

OPINION:

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol’s decision to impose martial law was a desperate and cowardly attempt to stifle free speech and assembly in a country that has suffered at the hands of previous dictators. On Dec. 14, a bipartisan National Assembly voted to impeach the president. The Constitutional Court has 180 days to rule on impeachment, during which time Prime Minister Han Duck-soo will be in charge.

This was a throwback to Maj. Gen. Chun Doo-hwan’s 1980 coup d’etat and the May 18, 1980, democratic uprising in Gwangju, South Korea’s sixth-largest city. Students, supported by an outpouring of pro-democracy activists, protested martial law. The military reacted violently, resulting in more than 2,000 deaths, according to estimates. The government blamed “communist sympathizers” and the North Korean government for the uprising.

Fortunately, Mr. Yoon’s martial law decree was rescinded before it potentially led to another “peaceful uprising.”

Mr. Yoon declared in a Dec. 3 nightly broadcast the imposition of “emergency martial law,” accusing the opposition of “anti-state” activities and to “eradicate pro-North Korean forces.” A few hours later, Gen. Park An-su, the martial law commander, announced the prohibition of all political activities, rallies and demonstrations. It also subjected all media and publications to martial law control.

The Wall Street Journal on Dec. 6 cited the reaction of Wi Sung lac, a 70-year-old former diplomat and now an assemblyman with the opposition Democratic Party. Mr. Wi was shocked by Mr. Yoon’s decree but knew he had to move quickly to the National Assembly building, as did many of his colleagues, knowing that 190 lawmakers had to vote to nullify Mr. Yoon’s martial law decree before the military locked down the National Assembly building.

These brave members of the National Assembly, some in their 70s, climbed over fences, some with the help of civilian protesters, to reach the National Assembly building before the military cordoned it off. They received the 190 votes needed to overturn Mr. Yoon’s martial law order.

Included in the vote were 18 from Mr. Yoon’s People Power Party, who voted at the urging of party leader Han Dong-hoon, Mr. Yoon’s former justice minister, who said the president’s martial law decision was unconstitutional.

I worked with Mr. Wi during the Six-Party Talks with North Korea. I can’t think of a more patriotic and anti-communist citizen of South Korea. Any attempt to impugn Mr. Wi’s integrity or the integrity of the other brave members of the National Assembly is an outright act of desperation on the part of Mr. Yoon. On Dec. 3, these patriots forced Mr. Yoon to rescind his martial law decree.

Mr. Wi’s reported words will remain with me: “It was unanimous. It was passionate, patriotic, filled with enthusiasm to defend democracy.”

That’s a model of liberal democracy in action.

In a broadcast early Dec. 7, Mr. Yoon apologized to the people but refused to resign. Later that day, 105 members of Mr. Yoon’s PPP boycotted the National Assembly vote to impeach Mr. Yoon. The National Assembly did not have the required legislators for an impeachment vote. National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik said this was “very regrettable.”  A number of peaceful demonstrations demanded Mr. Yoon’s resignation that week, with over 200,000 demonstrators outside the National Assembly as the lawmakers voted to impeach the president.

North Korea would be making a tragic mistake if Kim Jong Un’s regime tried to exploit this period of instability in South Korea.

Democracy in South Korea is resilient, as witnessed by the speed with which Mr. Yoon — in six hours — rescinded his martial law decree. Hopefully, North Korea’s allies China and Russia are cautioning Mr. Kim to refrain from any provocative move against South Korea. This is especially true now, when relations between South and North Korea are at a historic low. Indeed, both Koreas should refrain from any actions that could be viewed as provocative.

Regardless of the intent, these actions could escalate quickly, and the Koreas could be engulfed in conflict again.

• Joseph R. DeTrani is the former director of East Asia operations at the CIA, former special envoy for talks with North Korea (2003-2006) and former director of the National Counterproliferation Center. The views expressed here are the author’s and not those of any government agency or department.