- The Washington Times - Thursday, December 12, 2024

SEOUL, South Korea — Disempowered and disgraced South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol broke cover Thursday morning to deliver a passionate televised defense of his shock declaration of martial law last week.

The National Assembly overturned martial law within just three hours. Still, public fury lingers, and his self-justification may not save him when lawmakers convene Saturday to vote again on his impeachment.

Last Saturday, the motion failed to pass when Mr. Yoon’s right-wing People Power Party, which holds 108 seats in the 300-seat Assembly, boycotted voting. A two-thirds majority is needed.

On Thursday, PPP head Han Dong-hoon, who has twisted and turned over impeachment, told his party to vote for impeachment. Local reports said seven PPP lawmakers would vote for impeachment, reinforcing the three who defied the boycott.

That would secure the necessary numbers.

On Thursday, Mr. Yoon assailed a “parliamentary dictatorship” by the left-wing main opposition, the Democratic Party of Korea, which controls the National Assembly.

Power is divided between the presidency and the unicameral National Assembly; no upper house exists. This entrenches checks and balances, but the bilateral power structure leads to deeply confrontational politicking when executive branches face opposition-controlled houses.

If the vote goes against Mr. Yoon, he will be the third president in the past five administrations to be impeached.

Mr. Yoon accused the opposition of obstruction of state actions against Chinese espionage, North Korean electoral interference, and organized crime and drug trafficking.

His latest approval ratings are 11%. Any traction he gains with his remarks may fall short.

The widespread, bipartisan sense is that the brief declaration of martial law on Dec. 3 was a throwback to the authoritarian governance that ended in 1987 after years of pro-democracy struggle. It led to no reported injuries, let alone deaths.

“Invoking martial law to counter political opposition is what authoritarian leaders do,” said Jenny Town, a visiting Korea analyst who directs the Stimpson Center’s 38 North project. “Korea had its own experience with this and fought to overcome it. Reviving that chapter of their history serves no one’s interests.”

Disgraced president justifies martial law

Mr. Yoon complained about the number of rallies against him and accused the opposition of refusing to “acknowledge the democratically elected president.”

Mr. Yoon is midway through his five-year term. He won the 2022 presidential election by less than 1 percentage point.

Opposition leaders, “in a blatant attempt to obstruct the government’s functioning … have impeached numerous government officials,” he said. He said that “has severely undermined the integrity of public service and the fundamental principles of justice.”

The legislative-executive power struggle that erupted immediately before martial law was over the national budget. The DPK cut all funds for nuclear power projects and multiple science initiatives but paved the way for Chinese solar energy fields.

Mr. Yoon also discussed national security.

He said Chinese nationals had undertaken espionage in South Korea by photographing military facilities. “Under current law, there is no way to punish espionage by foreigners,” he said, but the opposition blocked attempts to remedy this.

Last year, DPK leader Lee Jae-myung generated anger among South Korean conservatives by holding a chummy meeting with Beijing’s ambassador.

Mr. Yoon slammed the DPK for calling to ease United Nations sanctions on North Korea, for cutting funding for police and prosecution, and for halting investigations into drug trafficking and organized crime.

As a result, South Korea “is in a state of national paralysis and social disorder,” Mr. Yoon said, where “it is impossible for the administration and judiciary to function normally.”

Conservatives have long been suspicious of electoral systems. Mr. Yoon addressed their concerns.

He revealed that North Korea hacked various South Korean systems, including electoral computers, last fall but said the National Electoral Commission, led by senior justices, resisted in-depth investigations. He said weak security protocols, such as “12345” passwords, were dire.

Under martial law, Mr. Yoon ordered special forces to seize the election commission. Those troops deployed before other units arrived at the National Assembly, though the Assembly received more coverage.

Mr. Yoon said he felt compelled to act after the DPK moved to impeach prosecutors and auditors. 

Some have criticized his autocoup for sloppy execution.

Mr. Yoon said he had deliberately not cut power and water to the National Assembly nor jammed broadcasting. He said his decree “was aimed at informing the people of the disastrous situation.”

In his broadcast, Mr. Yoon did not mention his wife, Kim Keon-hee, whom many South Koreans consider a Lady Macbeth figure. She is facing multiple allegations of corruption, stock manipulation and political meddling.

Questions ahead

Mr. Yoon is sequestered in the presidential compound. His security has prevented police investigators from entering to gather evidence. Uniformed police have turned back protest groups seeking to march on the compound.

The Washington Times learned that Mr. Yoon, a former chief prosecutor, has assembled his legal team for impeachment. “I will not evade legal or political responsibility,” he said.

Some say impeachment would provide political stability.

Two constitutional law experts who briefed foreign reporters on Wednesday said Mr. Yoon’s recent power transfer to his party and the prime minister lacks a constitutional basis.

During impeachment deliberations, the prime minister takes on national leadership. That procedure operated normally during South Korea’s two prior presidential impeachments.

The two experts raised another issue.

They said the nine-seat Constitutional Court has only six judges but will likely request a full staff. A potential tug-of-war looms as the National Assembly appoints Constitutional Court judges.

• Andrew Salmon can be reached at asalmon@washingtontimes.com.

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