- Tuesday, September 12, 2023

China is leading the way in a growing anti-Western economic alliance known as BRICS, a Wall Street term that has morphed into a diplomatic and trading power bloc that threatens U.S. interests abroad.

Originally formed by Brazil, Russia, India and China in 2009, these countries invited South Africa to join the political group a year later, when an “S” was added to the BRIC acronym. At the 15th BRICS Summit in Johannesburg last month, six more nations joined the confederation.

Argentina, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates were just admitted to the coalition at the annual BRICS meeting. Dozens of other countries have expressed an interest in joining the growing alliance. It’s a positive development for Beijing and Moscow but contrary to what Washington needs.

The push for a Western victory in Ukraine and the destruction of the buying power of the U.S. dollar appears to be the impetus for expanding the BRICS alliance deep into the Global South.

The BRICS member nations collectively embody 42% of the world’s population, contributing to almost one-quarter of global gross domestic product and 18% of worldwide trade.

The alliance is perceived as a corrective influence to Western-centric platforms such as the G7 and the World Bank. Proponents envision the considerable economic and political influence of the BRICS bloc leading to the transformation of institutions like the World Bank and IMF, ensuring that they better reflect the complexities of a varied world.

The primary agenda of the recent annual meeting was to protect BRICS economies from the loss of purchasing power and instability driven by American debt, as well as the possible loss of reserve currency status over time for the United States. To this end, there is talk of a “gold-backed” currency, possibly a central bank digital currency, to be implemented by BRICS to achieve this goal.

The inclusion of smaller nations in the BRICS alliance, especially the UAE and Saudi Arabia — nations that have historically been aligned with U.S. defense policy — should be especially troubling to American policymakers. Saudi Arabia, for instance, has long benefited from Washington’s protective umbrella, including during the 1991 Gulf War against Saddam Hussein.

This historical alignment with the United States, however, appears not to have given Riyadh pause in its push to join the BRICS alliance, where the Saudis picked a clear side in the global realignment to a multipolar world.

The UAE is another troubling addition to the global south economic forum. Consider that Al Dhafra Air Base is a critical facility for American air power in the Arabian Gulf region, and Jebel Ali is among the busiest ports of call for U.S. naval vessels.

Another development of concern is the inclusion of Iran at the recent BRICS annual meeting. A longtime nemesis and national security threat to both the UAE and Saudi Arabia, Iran illustrates the global realignment that is taking shape. That the rogue state has been responsible for funding proxy militias and violence across the Middle East, including in the deadly conflict against Saudi interests in Yemen, appears not to have fazed members of the BRICS alliance.

Indeed, diplomatic efforts by Chinese President Xi Jinping have resulted in old fears being cast aside in the interest of joining forces to take advantage of perceived U.S. weakness. The further expansion and consolidation of the alignment could weaken America’s global standing in the decade ahead.

Writing for the Atlantic Council, Mark Katz asserts that enhanced diplomatic ties between Iran, Saudi Arabia and the UAE could effectively sway other BRICS nations to contemplate, including other countries in the Middle East and North Africa.

But Mr. Katz is also correct that if the relationships between Iran and Saudi Arabia or Iran and the UAE revert to a state of discord, it could complicate efforts to reach consensus on admitting new Middle Eastern and North African members. Such a scenario could also impede BRICS members that are actively engaged in guiding discussions and fostering collaborative initiatives.

That the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Argentina are willing to go along with Chinese prodding to join the alliance despite their animosity toward Iran shows the seriousness with which the members view their determination to weaken the U.S. as a superpower. Clearly, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are in a race to be more independent and to compete more favorably with the U.S. in the global energy marketplace. Joining BRICS accomplishes both goals for the two Middle East nations.

Mr. Katz is also correct in noting that BRICS does not function as a collective defense pact to address external threats. While anti-Western rhetoric is often voiced in BRICS summits, primarily by Russia and China, the member countries have no obligation to defend one another.

It’s worth noting that despite being a new BRICS member, Iran maintains substantial disagreements with Western countries. On the other hand, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the UAE continue to engage in significant security cooperation with the U.S., despite certain differences.

The bottom line is that the growth of the anti-Western BRICS alliance, though still in its infancy and possibly unstable in the near term, poses a threat to U.S. leadership and power on the global stage.

Current and future administrations would be wise to pay close attention to the actions of traditional U.S. allies IN this period of global flux. Actions taken by the UAE, Saudi Arabia and others could and should affect the allocation of next-generation American defense commitments and dollars.

• Ivan Sascha Sheehan is associate dean of the College of Public Affairs and past executive director of the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Baltimore. The opinions expressed here are his own. Follow him on X @ProfSheehan.

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