OPINION:
In a historic move, President Biden hosted a major trilateral summit this month at Camp David in Maryland, bringing together South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol and Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida.
The summit was driven by shared concerns about China’s growing military, technological, economic, and diplomatic dominance, as well as the urgent threat posed by North Korea’s nuclear program. The leaders of the three democratic allies seized the opportunity to establish a significant trilateral partnership focused on broader security cooperation.
We must acknowledge the commendable efforts of these leaders in reaching this important milestone. But while their joint statement, titled “The Spirit of Camp David,” includes passing references to democracy and human rights, it falls short of making concrete commitments to “strengthen coordination on promoting democracy and protecting human rights.” This is a striking omission.
While the trilateral partnership is rooted in shared security concerns, it is imperative to recognize that such an alliance would lack depth and longevity without a foundation of shared core values. For instance, while the U.S.-Vietnam partnership is based on strategic interests vis-à-vis China, the same level of partnership cannot be achieved until the Southeast Asian country becomes free and democratic. Therefore, the mission of the trilateral partnership should be rooted in the shared values of liberal democracy that not only brought these nations together but should also guide their shared goals.
This partnership is not a temporary arrangement but a long-term vision. As President Biden noted at the Camp David press conference, “This is about decades and decades of relationships that we’re building.” With this in mind, and given the collective goal of a “free and open Indo-Pacific,” the most reliable way to achieve this goal in the long run is to actively promote democratic liberalization throughout the region. This may seem idealistic, but it is achievable through realistic approaches.
The process should begin by promoting human rights and standing in solidarity with those living under autocratic regimes in the region, particularly in China and North Korea. Just as the people of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe played a crucial role in the Cold War, the region’s democracy advocates can be pivotal allies in achieving a democracy-led, rules-based, peaceful, and prosperous Indo-Pacific.
When genuine concern is shown for the welfare of a country’s people and sincere efforts are made to help them secure their rights and dignity, the people will sense it and respond accordingly. For example, the Chinese people have a general feeling of resentment against Japan because of the atrocities the Japanese military regime brought to China during World War II. Sincere concern and support for the human rights of the Chinese people will help eliminate this animosity and help them realize that only a democratic Japan can do this and make them an ally of democracy.
However, the challenge lies in China’s active use of economic leverage to coerce, lure, and infiltrate democracies and international organizations, making it difficult for the democratic world to confront China on human rights and other issues related to fundamental value conflicts with China; and often forcing democracies—including the U.S., South Korea, and Japan—to retreat from their value positions.
To counter this, a values-based economic alliance of democracies akin to NATO is essential. The trilateral partnership could provide an example of such a mechanism to engage in both collective defense and collective offense on values-related issues. The principle of mutual economic defense would involve all three nations supporting each other when facing economic retaliation for human rights advocacy. In addition, a strategy of collective offense could include enacting human rights legislation that links human rights to all aspects of diplomatic relations with autocratic nations, with regular assessments and executive reports to Parliament or Congress; collectively confronting human rights violators on global platforms; and establishing joint punitive measures for human rights abuses.
These steps represent the bare minimum that the trilateral partnership should pursue. Furthermore, the model should be expanded to include other major democracies in the Indo-Pacific (such as Taiwan, India, and Australia) to form a broad alliance of regional democracies. Much can be done to promote human rights and democracy in the region, but the first step will be to recognize the critical importance of counting not only allies but also democracies. The idea of democratizing China may sound far-fetched, but last year’s White Paper movement showed that change is possible.
Advancing the cause of democracy in the Indo-Pacific can be strategically achieved through a two-pronged approach: First, helping to improve and consolidate the region’s nascent democracies; and second, identifying and breaking the weakest link of the region’s autocracies.
With dedicated and persistent effort, an autocracy as formidable as China can be isolated and its people empowered. Only with broader democratic liberalization in the region can the “collective purpose” of the trilateral U.S.–Korea–Japan partnership be achieved.
• Jianli Yang is founder and president of Citizen Power Initiatives for China and the author of Its Time for a Values-Based “Economic NATO.” Sean Woo, a former Chief of Staff to the U. S. Helsinki Commission, is President and CEO of Center for Civic Culture Studies
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