The Independence Examiner, April 13
Missouri House delay on Greitens is the wrong step
Missouri is in a tough spot - needlessly.
Its governor has failed to refute strong allegations of abusive behavior and violence toward a woman with whom he had an affair - he won’t even answer the most simple and direct questions in this case - and his continued refusal to resign in the face of substantial evidence of his behavior adds day by day to Missouri’s national embarrassment.
But legislative leaders have made this worse. The committee that House leadership named six weeks ago to look into the Greitens mess has completed its work, and its report - 24 pages plus hundreds of pages of exhibits - is thorough and damning. The reaction across the state has been one of disgust and revulsion. “Beyond disturbing” is one of the gentler comments that’s been offered. Leaders in both parties have called on Greitens to resign.
But House leadership has ruled out taking any action until at least June, after the end of the regular legislative session in the middle of next month. Leaders say they want to wrap up the budget and other regular work first.
That may sound reasonable, but in fact the General Assembly has shown itself unwilling to really tackle the bigger issues facing the state, from schools to roads. It’s a lot like the old saying that managers might have for an unproductive employee: Instead of giving it their all, they let the work in front of them expand to the time available to them. The budget gets passed in early May because we’ve always done it that way. The big bills - and the in-the-dark-of-night bills - pass in the final, frantic hours because we’ve always done it that way.
Quick: What’s the one big policy issue legislators are deliberating this year? Trick question. It’s all small ball, as it is most years. Legislators have the facts in hand regarding Greitens, and they have plenty of time for this and other work if they have the will to act.
Greitens chose not to supply requested documents to the House committee, falsely claiming his criminal trial next month prevents that. Most of the documents requested fall outside his court case. He refused to answer questions from the committee, and he refused to testify.
But he was out there in front of the cameras - taking no questions - trashing the committee less than an hour before the report’s release on Wednesday. It’s good video, and it seems to have driven the news narrative across much of the state, at least on TV.
By his words and actions, Greitens appears to have a strategy of conflating the House investigation with the criminal trial. His rhetoric seems aimed at planting the idea that should he win at trial, then he’s cleared and that’s that.
It’s not. The House process is on its own track - but needlessly stalled. Who knows if the overwhelmingly Republican General Assembly will be willing to impeach a Republican governor? But waiting until at least June isn’t productive. It just lets the issue fester and lets Missouri’s national embarrassment linger.
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The Kansas City Star, April 15
Here’s how Missouri Democrats and Republicans can work together to impeach Gov. Greitens
The one scenario that must be avoided when it comes to the drop-dead-ugly impeachment saga engulfing Missouri Gov. Eric Greitens is turning this into a partisan controversy.
Lawmakers stepped over that line in recent days with Democrats threatening to bottle up all bills unless the GOP-led House immediately began the impeachment process.
“There’s no reason for delay,” Senate Minority Leader Gina Walsh told reporters. “We need to do the right thing, right now.”
Republicans, meantime, insisted the only way to proceed was to wait until after the General Assembly adjourns on May 18. That way, lawmakers can pass the bills that need passing as the General Assembly hits its crucial stretch run.
Both sides make worthy points. The Democrats note that to delay impeachment proceedings only keeps Greitens in office longer. By week’s end, almost every lawmaker from both parties wanted him to either resign or face impeachment. By remaining in office, Greitens continues to wield enormous power when it comes to signing bills into law and rejecting others. In a worst-case scenario, Greitens could negotiate over this future: I’ll sign your bill, Mr. or Ms. Lawmaker, but only if you oppose impeachment.
That doomsday prospect obviously has no place in Missouri government. But it’s possible if Greitens stays.
For their part, Republicans point out that by waiting, the special legislative committee looking into multiple Greitens controversies can complete its investigation into dark money and Greitens’ possible misuse of the charity he founded, The Mission Continues, for political gain. They argue that lawmakers and the state deserve a complete picture of the Republican governor as they approach this enormous decision.
We believe both things can happen at once. Impeachment proceedings should begin next week. Missouri’s citizens are fed up with this governor’s misdeeds, and they deserve a direct and immediate response. A major chunk of the GOP establishment, including Republicans such as Congresswoman Ann Wagner and Attorney General Josh Hawley, has reached the same conclusion. Certainly Democrats have.
With just five weeks to go, lawmakers should remain focused on their jobs despite the distraction of impeachment swirling around. There is, of course, much important work still to be done. The Missouri Constitution requires that lawmakers complete the state budget. Legislators should pass a proposal to raise gasoline taxes and fund the state’s vastly under-financed highway network. They should do the same with an ethics measure that would ban lobbyist gifts and another that would help state agencies keep track of families that move back and forth across state lines to avoid child welfare officials.
There’s still hope in Kansas City that lawmakers will agree to pay for half of a $96 million downtown arts campus for UMKC as was once promised.
Simply giving up on the 2018 session by filibustering bills to protest the lack of movement on impeachment would amount to a huge loss for everyone.
At a pivotal moment in state history, which the impeachment of any governor represents, Republicans and Democrats must stand united. To have this extraordinary move framed as partisan in any way would amount to a major setback for the state and would give a governor who likes to shoot big guns more ammunition to run down his opponents.
Of course, the governor could do everyone an enormous favor by taking the only honorable step left for him, and that’s to resign voluntarily. But honor escapes this man, even though the former Navy SEAL has paid so much lip service to the idea.
Most Missourians want the same result. Let’s begin impeachment proceedings while passing critical legislation to move Missouri forward. That’s a two-fer worth pursuing.
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The St. Joseph News-Press, April 12
Do not demonize reforms
As Congress prepares to take up the 2018 Farm Bill, we wish for something better than we are promised.
“Farm Bill” is a misnomer, really. While this legislation matters greatly to farmers and ranchers, about $70 billion annually, or 80 percent of the projected spending, is targeted for the food stamps program known as SNAP - Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program.
As a consequence, much of the debate will be around the disturbing growth trends for food stamps and ideas for moving more people off the benefits program and back into the kind of stable employment that puts food on the table.
But as reasonable as that proposition sounds, it amounts to fighting words in the halls of Congress.
We are told to expect - no, we are promised - Democrats will line up against any serious proposal to enact reforms by removing disincentives for work. We also are told this is an election year, so even some Republicans - particularly in the Senate - will be reluctant to lend their support to these ideas for fear of losing votes in November.
Even so, we share some of these items from the proposed legislation in hopes facts will contribute to a healthier debate:
? About 42 million Americans receive SNAP benefits, up from 17 million in 2000.
? The need for benefits rose in the 2008 recession, but fewer recipients left the program as times got better, compared to previous recessions. By historical trends, we should have had 36 million SNAP participants in 2013, rather than 47.6 million.
? A proposed work or training requirement of 20 hours a week would exempt about two-thirds of all food stamps recipients: older adults, children, the disabled, anyone pregnant and anyone caring for a child under age 6.
? To meet the requirement, a person could participate in training or apprenticeship programs that could boost future earnings. States would be required to make such programs available and provide other assistance needed to transition to work.
The Missouri House has passed its own state-level reform bill that is equally likely to face tough going in the Missouri Senate.
And still, when a thoughtful person reads over these measures, sees the protections that are built in and considers the merits of encouraging a return to the workforce, surely they are left to wonder:
Why are not more of our representatives supportive of such legislation? Do they not understand the value of work?
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