The Jefferson City News-Tribune, Dec. 16
The slow wheels of government finally are turning to address problems within Missouri’s veteran care facilities.
Last winter, the St. Louis Veterans Home was accused of mistreatment, including complaints made to Lt. Gov. Mike Parson’s office.
This summer, Gov. Eric Greitens received a similar report detailing problems stemming from allegations at the home. Family members have cited unacceptable incidents at the home, some of which they say contributed to the premature deaths of their loved ones.
Last week, Greitens replaced the five non-legislative members of the Missouri Veterans Commission whose terms had expired. He said he wanted to replace Larry Kay, the commission’s executive director.
For years, rumors have circulated about issues regarding Kay’s leadership. We’re not certain what’s credible and what’s not, but we do know Kay cost the state $2.85 million - plus interest and attorneys’ fees likely to bring the total close to $4 million - when a Cole County jury last year found him guilty of discrimination and retaliation against a former employee.
Kay had also pointed to studies showing no problems exist at the St. Louis Veterans Home, while families were claiming serious problems did exist - and a recent, independent investigation agreed with the families.
With the new board in place, Kay announced his resignation after a long, closed-door commission meeting Wednesday.
Greitens also ordered probes into the treatment of veterans at the six other state-run homes.
These changes have taken too long, even by government standards.
Missouri has about 1,300 veterans in seven state-run skilled nursing homes. These are people who have served their country. When it’s time for us to serve them near the end of their lives, that’s where we should shine.
Instead, over the past year, we’ve heard too much blame and denial and too little action. We hope the change, albeit, slow change, will result in the quality care that those 1,300 veterans deserve.
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The Kansas City Star, Dec. 17
Missouri legislators need to stand up to Gov. Eric Greitens
In just a few weeks, the Missouri General Assembly will gather for its 2018 session.
This may be one of the most important legislative meetings in the state’s modern history. It’s become increasingly clear the state’s political health depends on lawmakers reasserting their prerogatives as a co-equal branch of government by standing up to Gov. Eric Greitens.
We make this recommendation after a year of disappointment. Missourians were optimistic last January when Greitens took office. He promised transparency, a renewed focus on ethics in government and an outsider’s approach.
“The people do not expect miracles, but they do expect results,” Greitens said in his inaugural address. “And we will deliver.”
What, exactly, has the governor delivered?
He has made Missouri government far more secretive by using a dark-money organization with undisclosed donors. He’s obscured sources of funds for his inaugural. He’s installed a special application on his phone that erases what could be public records.
Greitens has ducked legitimate questions from the press and public. He has strong-armed quasi-independent commissions, apparently because he wants to replace qualified state employees with his friends. He has engineered the suspension of a tax credit program considered essential for poor Missourians.
He has traveled the country in pursuit of his own ambitions. He has insulted legislators. He has treated lawmakers as a nuisance, not as a partner in improving the state.
We had hoped that the governor would hear critical but constructive voices, including those from members of his own party, on these issues and others. It’s now clear, however, that Greitens’ self-regard is so high that his mind can’t be changed.
That means the General Assembly must assert itself in 2018 and assume its constitutional role as the protector of the interests of the people in Missouri.
Here are some ways that might be accomplished:
? Appointment power.
Senators in both parties are angry at Greitens’ assertion of unilateral appointment power for state boards and commissions. This year, the governor appointed 10 people to the state board of education, all without Senate consideration, because he wanted to force out a well-liked education commissioner.
But senators say the problem extends far beyond education. The governor’s office rarely consults with senators about appointments. That’s a major breach, designed to exclude elected officials from the appointment process.
Sen. Gary Romine, a Republican, has already indicated he’ll work to deny confirmation of Greitens’ appointments to the state board of education. Other senators are working on a plan to reject all Greitens nominees until the governor confers directly with the body about the appointment power.
They should go further: The legislature should enact a bill to limit the authority of recess nominees.
Until confirmation or an emergency, appointees should be barred from hiring or firing high-ranking state employees.
? Ethics reform.
The General Assembly should insist dark-money organizations disclose their donors. Some elected officials who rely on secret money may resist such an effort, but they should always remember today’s political friend can become tomorrow’s enemy.
Greitens and his allies have shown no reluctance to attack Republicans they don’t like.
? Sunshine Law reform.
The General Assembly should make it clear that all government text messages involving public business are public records. It should prohibit the use of applications that erase text messages. It should give the attorney general the power to appoint an investigator for open records complaints.
The legislature should prohibit the governor’s office and the executive branch from charging exorbitant and unnecessary fees for open records requests. It should set firm deadlines for compliance with penalties for delays.
There may be other ways to improve government. Greitens will fiercely resist these reforms, so it will likely take supermajorities to enact them. The effort is necessary.
Either the General Assembly is a co-equal branch of a democratic government in Missouri, or it’s a rubber stamp for a governor whose only interests are his own. In a few weeks, we’ll know where legislators stand.
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The St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Dec. 16
Editorial: Children’s deaths should trouble everyone about lax home-school regulation
The deaths last year of three home-schooled children after long-term abuse in Missouri and Illinois should make home-school advocates who resist regulation reconsider their objections. When kids don’t go to school and aren’t observed by adults outside their homes, it’s too easy for abusive parents or families to exploit the unregulated system.
With an estimated 1.7 million children being home-schooled nationally, counting on relatives and neighbors to be vigilant and to disclose abusive situations is a recipe for disaster. Groups such as the Home Schooling Legal Defense Association are fighting on behalf of adults against regulations, but who’s protecting the kids? Yes, parents should have the freedom to educate their children at home, but children need outside guardians to check on their welfare and make sure they are safe and healthy.
The Post-Dispatch’s Christine Byers reported on the deaths recently in detail that is disturbing to read, including the stories of Liam Roberts, a 6-year-old boy in Jerseyville who weighed 17 pounds when he died last month; 6-year-old Alysha Quate, whose decomposed remains were found inside a plastic storage bin in Centreville; and Savannah Leckie, 16, whose remains were discovered by cadaver dogs in a burn pile at her mother’s farm in Ozark County.
Aside from deadly abuse, these children also had shared backgrounds in home-schooled environments. Liam’s parents took him out of a Jerseyville public school after someone called child protective services questioning whether they fed their son enough.
Alysha’s father claimed to be home-schooling his three daughters in Belleville after someone told the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services that they had seen him kiss one of the girls inappropriately while dropping her off at school.
And Savannah’s mother, Rebecca Ruud, who has been charged with her daughter’s murder, took her back from her adoptive mother in Minnesota and said she was home-schooling her in Theodosia, Mo., near the Arkansas border.
A network of Illinois home-schooling support groups even offers guidelines on how parents can evade authorities, telling them to “make your children unavailable” if a truancy officer comes to their door. But the Coalition for Responsible Home Education, founded by home-schooled alumni, says it could be effective for the state to review child protective service inquiries before permission is given for home-schooling.
They’re right. Much better oversight is needed. This is not about taking away parental freedom, but about protecting children. Most home-school parents probably only want to educate their children the way they see fit. For them, there is no reason to hide children from authorities.
But regulation can save lives in those few situations where vulnerable children have no way of getting help and parents are hiding them to conceal abuse or neglect. Missouri and Illinois need to be fighting harder for their best interests.
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